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After a down-to-the-wire election count in Sweden last week placed a right-wing coalition atop the country’s parliament media watchers took note with wary eyes. Right-wing politicians, particularly those with populist tendencies, tend to lash out at critics in the news media, real or imagined. Addressing the first round election results, spokesperson for populist, xenophobic Sweden Democrats party, which leads the new right-wing coalition, Linus Bylund said he was looking forward to “a lot of journalist rugby,” a not-so veiled threat to rough-up reporters, noted public broadcaster SVT (September 12). “Talking about pushing journalists sends signals, which worry some, but which resonate with parts of their voter base,” wrote Aftonbladet columnist Martin Schori (September 15).
And so, it all (mostly) came true. Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson representing the center-left Social Democrats, resigned. After the final election results were released and the Sweden Democrats massed for celebration dozens of news outlets were prevented from observing. Reporters for international outlets, including Le Monde, Liberation, the BBC, leading Danish newspaper Politiken, Finnish public broadcaster YLE and leading newspaper Helsingin Sanomat, were also denied. (See more about elections and media here) (See more about media in Sweden here)
“It is extremely worrying that a representative of the Swedish Democrats publicly encourages (supporters) to ‘push around’ journalists whose work is to hold politicians accountable and report in the public interest,” said Reporters sans Frontieres (RSF) Sweden president Erik Halkjaer in a statement (September 15). “Politicians should create favorable conditions for journalism, not undermine them.” The shock among press and media freedom advocates comes from Sweden ranking 3rd in the RSF 2022 World Press Freedom Index. “Many wonder what this means and what it can lead to,” said Swedish Journalists Association president Ulrika Hyllert to public broadcaster SVT (September 15). “It is considered irresponsible and that it does not befit the society we want.”
Savvy investors have long chased opportunities where growth prospects are great. At the same time they avoid competitive and regulatory hurdles. Alas, the media landscape is littered with the detritus of failed investments in challenging environments. But, succeeding against the odds brings great rewards.
MultiChoice is a pay TV operator based in South Africa. It provides service to most all of Sub-Saharan Africa. When giant South African conglomerate Naspers spun it into a separate publicly traded enterprise in 2019 they called it the biggest TV operator in Africa. MultiChoice has only grown. It reaches nearly 22 million households, including 9 million in South Africa, subscribing to its satellite delivered channels. MultiChoice is also a significant TV producer. (See more about media in Africa here)
This week French pay TV operator Canal+, subsidiary of conglomerate Vivendi, principally controlled by Vincent Bollore, increased its shareholding in MultiChoice to 26% from 6.5% two years ago, reported Bloomberg (September 14). If that rose to 35% or more a mandatory offer for all share would be triggered. Canal+ already has a significant footprint in French-speaking Sub-Saharan Africa and collaborates on local productions with MultiChoice. (See more about Vivendi here)
The share acquisition appears “opportunistic and value-driven rather than presaging a takeover attempt,” noted Bloomberg Intelligence analyst John Davies. South African competition authorities have certain restriction on foreign ownership. But, as seen by other takeover attempts by M Ballore, this might only be a momentary challenge looking for an inventive solution.
All elections these days are a big deal. Voters seem increasingly divided on important issues and the qualities of politicians. Messaging is all important, any messaging to voter targets. Political party principals and campaign managers are seeking new avenues of persuasion.
Voila! Social media platforms are just waiting to serve. With snap Italian general elections looming in about two weeks, the big news in political messaging is TikTok. Seriously. The platform of choice for Zoomers is just too cool to be left out. Persons over 18 years are eligible to vote in Italian elections.
Nearly all of Italy’s political principals have adopted social media for strategic communications. Well, that’s not quite how it has worked out. Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party is visible everywhere including TikTok. She’s leading in the polls. A report from Telpress Italia on political communication on social media, reported ItaliaOggi (September 6), reveals the quandary. “The lack of depth of content due to the brevity of the texts and the formats of the social networks trivializes the election campaign and political communication itself. The result is a loss of audience and engagement, especially for the center-right.” Sra Meloni is considered about as far-right as the late dictator Benito Mussolini. (See more about elections and media here)
Alas, another right-wing Italian politician has jumped into the TikTok fray. That would be the one and only Silvio Berlusconi for his Forza Italia party. Sr. Berlusconi’s entre eclipsed all other candidate parties. "The center-right allies, moreover, are overshadowed by Berlusconi's landing on TikTok which animated the second half of the week,” said the Telpress Italia report. Principal Italian party leaders also use Twitter, mostly center-left Democratic Party leader Enrico Letta. (See more about social media here)
As trivialities overtake the Italian election campaign, just like all others, culture war topics jump to the top, perfect for TikTok. Sra Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party howled about Peppa Pig, the internationally well-known children’s cartoon show. An episode featuring a same-sex couple aired on the BBC last Tuesday, somehow setting off the Italian culture warriors. "Once again political correctness strikes again,” exclaimed a party spokesperson, reported La Stampa (September 9). That was answered by Democratic Party spokesperson: ”Brothers of Italy raises the alarm, a new enemy is besieging the nation: Peppa Pig."
A growing difference between internal and external communications in certain countries has media watchers concerned. Those with an authoritarian bent have every desire to control what information - even fake - gets out regardless of intended recipient. They have undoubtedly benefitted from digital transition, a flick of a switch can end communication. On the other side, technology is always inventive.
The New Times magazine chief editor Yevgenia Albats has become the latest high-profile investigative reporter and critic to flee the Russian Federation. The Justice Ministry declared her a “foreign agent” and arrest was imminent. She has become a post-doctoral fellow at the Jordan Center for the advanced study of Russia at New York University, announced Jordan Center director Joshua Tucker in a statement (September 9). She has been recognized as “the grande dame of Moscow opposition journalism,” wrote noted Russia watcher Julia Ioffe in the New York Times (May 31 2018). Ms Albats is one of the lucky ones. (See more about media in the Russian Federation here)
Former Kommersant and Vedomosti science and technology reporter Ivan Safronov is far less fortunate, even by Russian standards. A Moscow court sentenced him to 22 years in a “maximum security prison,” reported independent exile news portal Meduza (September 7). Prosecutors contended he was collecting data on the Russian military. The charge was treason. He testified all that material was easily found on the open internet, which prosecutors did not dispute. The sentence is the longest meted out to a Russian reporter, so far. (See more about press/freedom here)
Mr. Safronov left journalism in 2020 to work as a public relations consultant for space agency Roscosmos. His father, also Ivan Safronov, was a defence reporter for Kommersant until his death in 2007. He “fell” from a 5th floor window in the building where he lived, a demise common to those who displease Russian authorities. The younger Mr. Safronov rejected a prosecution offer of a shorter jail term in return for a guilty plea.
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