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Nearly everything is touched in some way by intellectual property rights law. There are a few lawyers specializing in the field. Treaties through the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) in Geneva, Switzerland keep a keen eye on how it all works. Private equity firms have become interested. There is a lot of money involved.
Copyrights and music rights are probably foremost in most minds. Oh, there is so much more. Typefaces - fonts - are covered. Newspaper publishers pay close attention, choosing a distinctive typeface. In 2013 the New York Times adopted Georgia as its main font after using New Times Roman since 1931. There was quite a stir. Fonts are a big deal in the digital age.
Monotype Imaging is the world’s largest typeface and font rights holder. Very quietly, reported Russian business and finance portal Vedomosti (April 13), it has stopped licensing in the Russian Federation. “Considering the current circumstances of sanctions and international relations with Russia, we are unable at present to run any business relations with Russian companies or their subsidiaries,” said a company spokesperson in a subsequent statement. “We will continue keeping an eye on the situation and updating our policy accordingly.” (See more about intellectual property rights here)
The general public in Russia - or elsewhere - will hardly notice. Publishers, designers and other font users typically choose fonts through third-party providers like Microsoft, a Monotype Imaging rights holder. The bigger ones must trade directly with rights holders. Alas, Microsoft is also cutting off business in the Russian Federation. Once current product stocks are gone, they’re gone. This will also affect Russian software developers, who may face compatibility issues. Official documentation in the Russian Federation uses New Times Roman font.
In law impunity is defined as “exemption from punishment or loss or escape from fines.” Impunity is rife in countries where rule of law is corrupt and has little tradition. Barely a decade ago, the United Nations established November 2 as the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists. Every year since new cases are noted, old ones memoralized.
Serbian journalist and publisher Slavko Curuvija was assassinated on Easter April 11 1999. The hit squad approached him from behind on the Belgrade street where he lived and fired multiple rounds from Skorpion machine pistols, a final burst to his head. He was buried as air raid sirens blared due to NATO bombing, another event Serbs never forget. Reporters sans Frontieres (RSF) on this anniversary called for “a judicial system that protects journalists.”
The murder was noted this past week, 23 years hence, in Serbian media. The foundation named in his honor asked the Serbian Court of Appeals to confirm the verdict in his murder. After a slow-walked investigation and languishing trial four Serbian state security officers were convicted last December. Two were sentenced to 30 years in prison, another to 20 years as was the fourth who is still on the run. Appeals have been filed.
Under pressure from local media, notably then-illustrious radio channel B92, the Serbian government in 2013 formed the Commission for the Investigation of the Murders of Journalists to look into this and other similar crimes. B92 was created in 1989 by Open Society Foundations and USAID to bolster independent media. After several owners the channel disappeared in 2015. (See more about media in Serbia here)
The original criminal indictments, not filed until June 2015, noted involvement of other “unidentified persons from the highest government structures,” reported Serbian news outlet Vesti (April 11). Mr. Curuvija was targeted “due to his public appearance in the country and abroad and criticism of the holders of political power.” Investigations, it said, were slow "in order to preserve the existing structure of power.” Also in the original indictment were details of surveillance of Mr. Curuvija by the State security service and “destruction” of his newspapers Dnevni Telegraf and Evropljanin shortly before the assassination under laws at the time administered by the Ministry of Information, then headed by Aleksandar Vucic, current president of Serbia.
French streaming video platform Salto will soon be available as an “Amazon channel” through the Amazon Prime Video platform. Some French media watchers were surprised, some not. Salto has struggled with scale, big US-based streaming platforms capturing great attention, as its rollout was long delayed. The passage of time can be a great disruptor.
TV broadcasters were caught off guard, universally, by streaming video on demand services. After all, broadcasters invented linear TV, scheduling as they liked, selling ads by time periods. By the time the coronavirus pandemic struck and viewers were stuck at home, streaming services provided a non-linear TV experience. In time broadcasters discovered a huge number of households subscribing to three or more streaming services, each offering different programs and sometimes blockbuster series and movies. (See more about streaming media here)
Broadcasters decided to invent their own streaming services, often combining resources - meaning program content - among themselves. This required the approval of regulators to get around anti-monopoly rules. Lucky for the broadcasters, the competition regulators - and the politicians they serve - were distracted by the economic and social power of those rapidly expanding streaming services as well as other big tech providers.
In France, Salto was born of this. Big TV broadcasters TF1 Group, M6 Group (part of RTL Group) and public broadcaster France Télévisions finally reached an agreement in mid-2018 to make it possible. Salto arrived, ready to serve the public, two years later. The mission was to be a French-language alternative to US streaming platforms Netflix, Disney+, Apple+ and Amazon Prime Video as well as French satellite distributor Canal+.
Currently, Salto has between 500,000 and 700,000 subscribers in France, depending on the source. According to data aggregator Statista (February 2022) French market penetration for Netflix is 63.1%, Amazon Prime Video 41.7%, Disney+ 29.5% and Salto 8.6%, just behind Apple TV 8.9%. Amazon Prime Video subscribers will be able to access content of Salto partners without subscribing separately or, strangely, to Salto. (See more about media in France here)
As time keeps marching on, France Télévisions announced its intention to withdraw from Salto, removing a significant different content catalogue, when the impending merger of the two large commercial broadcasters takes place. TF1 and M6, however it is then configured, will effectively be whatever remains of Salto and responsible for its program content. That could be expensive.
The withdrawal from the Russian marketplace by Western consumer companies is irritating a certain set of Russian consumers. McDonalds is gone. So, too, are Starbucks, Zara, Ikea and others. Their government tells them all of this soon will be replaced with local products and services but everybody remembers the Lada. Then Netflix removed itself and there is grumpiness.
A group of Netflix subscribers in Russia has filed a class-action lawsuit, itself a very Western thing, seeking compensation for lost video streaming. Netflix exited their Russian streaming video business. Russian subscribers claim their rights are being violated, not necessarily human rights, and they want RUB60 million, just under €700,000 by the latest exchange rate. (See more about streaming media here)
“Given the circumstances on the ground, we have decided to suspend our service in Russia,” said a Netflix statement, reported CNBC (March 6). That relates to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which prompted exits by other companies. Netflix also cancelled four planned production projects and refused a demand to carry Russian state TV channels. The company’s Russian business is estimated at less than half a percent of total global revenue. (See more about media in the Russian Federation here)
The lawsuit was filed in a Moscow court by a local firm, reported state news agency RIA Novosti (April 13), “due to Netflix’s unilateral refusal to provide services in Russia.” Twenty people have joined the lawsuit according to lawyer Konstantin Lukoyanov, quoted by Meduza (April 13). Russian business news portal Vedomosti (April 12), by coincidence, reported a renewed interest among Russians in books by George Orwell.
In the aftermath of elections, winners typically take victory laps and losers bury their heads in shame. Political operatives, regardless of orientation, plot their next battles. Political reporters quickly move to a different subject. It is odd for the winner’s supporters to complain.
Gabor Bencsik, columnist for far-right Hungarian magazine Magyar Demokrata (Hungarian Democrat), is pleased at the recent election result favoring the populist, xenophobic Fidesz political party of prime minister Viktor Orban. It was considered a “landslide” victory but hardly a surprise due to state capture of most Hungarian media. Mr. Bencsik seems concerned that such an overwhelming win imperils discourse. (See more about media in Hungary here)
“What everyone on the right knows, the political bias of Hungarian (state) television is unsustainable,” quoted by news portal Telex (April 12). His example was Péter Márki-Zay, who lost the election (April 10), being offered a marque slot this week on a state TV political talk show, exceedingly rare for any opposition politician. Mr. Marki-Zay appeared on state TV a total of five minutes during the campaign period.
"It is simply an impossibility for opposition politicians to be virtually unable to set foot (at state TV),” he added in the social media post. “News commentators and commentators come exclusively from government parties, reading long pro-government texts as news, while opposition opinions are mostly wrapped in pro-government rebuttals. Hungarian (state) television is also the television of the opposition half of the country. It operates from their taxes.“ (See more about elections and media here)
Quite defensively, state broadcaster MTVA responded, in form, by pointing out Mr. Bencsik’s political wavering over the years. He had been a “communist” in the 1990s, once worked for “one of George Soros' foundations” and now writes for a “cultural” magazine. They went on to suggest Mr. Bencsik “works for the OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation Europe,” the election monitor that noted in its election follow-up report troublesome political bias with state media.
For news outlets a physical location is far less necessary than once upon a time. Obviously, printing facilities and warehouses for newsprint are easily replaced by websites hosted in the Cloud. Those editorial meetings can be held on Zoom. And, too, portability can be an advantage.
Several independent news outlets once located in and then shuttered by the Russian Federation have taken up residence in other countries. Last week former Novaya Gazeta staffers started ramping up Novaya Gazeta Europe in a different undisclosed location. Distances are important “both legally and in practice,” said news chief editor Kirill Martynov to The Moscow Times (April 7). “There’ll be no one working for Novaya Gazeta and Novaya Gazeta Europe at the same time.” Mr. Martynov had been deputy editor with Novaya Gazeta. (See more about media in the Russian Federation here)
Within hours of Mr. Martynov’s announcement the new outlet had breaking news. Dmitry Muratov, founder and chief editor of the new shuttered Novaya Gazeta, had been attacked while on a train from Moscow to Samara. Mr. Muratov was doused with red paint and acetone, a highly volatile substance used in nail polish remover, by an unidentified person who shouted “Here’s to you for our boys” before dashing from the train. Mr. Muratov snapped a photo and shared it on the Novaya Gazeta Europe Telegram channel. (See more about press/media freedom here)
About ten days ago Mr. Martynov scored a blockbuster interview with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg meant for publication in Novaya Gazeta. By coincidence, it was the date (March 30) Novaya Gazeta suspended publication. The piece was picked up by Meduza (April 7), another independent news outlet operating outside the Russian Federation since 2014. In early March Russian Federation media regulator/censor Roskomnadzor blocked online distribution of Meduza. Shortly thereafter a mirror site was established through Reporters sans Frontieres (RSF). Individual Russian journalists have fled to Lithuania, Latvia and Poland or further afield to Turkey and Israel.
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